[Editorial] Blue House communication

President Lee Myung-bak ordered yet another reorganization of the Blue House staff this week. His aides explained the measure was focused on improving “communication” between the core of administration and various sectors of society. It is dismaying that Lee, after four years in office, still feels insufficient public communication is the biggest weakness in his governance.

Changes included installing new secretaries in charge of publicity of state policies and communication with the people and a presidential spokesperson for the international media. A “generational understanding conference” will be operated in the presidential office to identify problems unique to different generations, particularly those in their 20s, 30s and 40s who are believed to be increasingly anti-government under economic adversity.

We understand that the Blue House reorganization is prompted by the need to fill vacancies to be created by the exit of secretaries planning to run in the National Assembly elections next April. Yet, there was more pressure on the president to do something “in respect of the will of the people shown in the Oct. 26 by-election in Seoul” in which a civic group leader was elected mayor of the capital with the support of opposition parties.

And the president is observing an alliance of opposition parties and radical civic groups trying to seize an opportunity to maintain political momentum from the protests by liberal circles against the Korea-U.S. free trade agreement unilaterally ratified by the ruling party last month. Lee, who should believe that the FTA with the world’s biggest economy was his foremost achievement, has enough reason to emphasize public communication to tide over the current turmoil.

The Korea-U.S. FTA in fact contains very little to incite significant public repercussions, having been scrutinized exhaustively over the four years since its signing. Yet, the anti-government forces picked it as fodder to stimulate anti-Americanism among left-wingers and consolidate their political front in the lead-up to the parliamentary elections. The president finds little else to help the unpopular ruling party than publicizing the government’s trade, welfare and security policies well to the electorate.

Looking back, the president and his aides should by now realize that the record winning margin of 5 million votes in the 2007 presidential election rather poisoned the Lee presidency, by allowing unnecessary audacity in his early days in office, which was reflected in his sloppy Cabinet appointments. The liberal backlash through the fierce candlelight protests against U.S. beef imports exposed a quickly dispirited leader in the Blue House.

Lee sought to directly appeal to the silent majority in monthly radio addresses and townhouse meetings, but the devastating impact of the global economic crisis kept him in the “economic war room” to direct strategies for recovery. While the president was unable to prove himself a good public communicator, the strife-torn government party, whose successive leaderships were more combative than compromising, has further alienated itself from the rest of Korean society.

As weeks and months pass in the final year of the president’s five-year single term, Lee will notice growing distance from the party, which will gather around Park Geun-hye and whoever else aspires to run for president. If he could keep himself aloof to the process of the party’s nominations for the parliamentary and presidential elections, he will be able to enjoy a more peaceful ending, which will allow him to be better engrossed in diplomatic and economic tasks.

New appointments in the Blue House through the latest organizational change should find the right persons for the wrapping up phase. The key is finding a trustworthy chief of staff who can communicate sincerely and smoothly with the party, the Cabinet and all sectors of our society.