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President Yoon Suk Yeol bows to the public to wrap up his televised address to the nation in his office in Seoul on Saturday. (Presidential office) |
President Yoon Suk Yeol's announcement Saturday that he would let the ruling party manage state affairs, and the subsequent failure of the impeachment motion, might have brought a sigh of relief from the ruling bloc.
But widespread disruption will likely follow, as the Yoon administration and the National Assembly have already become dysfunctional. Key policy initiatives, such as Yoon's efforts to address social polarization and tackle the population crisis, now appear increasingly impractical.
Whether Yoon can be held to his promise to hand over power to his party remains questionable.
Also, the ruling bloc has yet to confirm the extent of the power a ruling party could be entrusted with. The president is the commander-in-chief of the nation's armed forces, represents the nation vis-a-vis foreign states, and has the power to appoint leaders of institutions enshrined in the Constitution, among other roles.
The address did not indicate who from the ruling party -- which has long shown signs of infighting -- would take charge.
The relationship between the chief of the ruling party and the prime minister, who serves as the acting president in case a president is suspended or removed, also remains unclear
Han Dong-hoon, who chairs the ruling People Power Party, held talks Saturday after Yoon's public address with Prime Minister Han Duck-soo at the request of the party chair. The 80-minute meeting centered around promises to work together to stabilize the state affairs and domestic economy, People Power Party's Han told reporters after the meeting.
However, Yoon's remarks and the ruling bloc's promises should be deemed invalid in the country with a presidential system, an expert said.
Without any binding changes to the Constitution, Yoon may take his power back from the party whenever he wants.
"The president can take the lead again anytime he changes his mind," said Shin Yul, professor of political science at Myongji University. "No one will be able to stop him, if Yoon insists."
"He already lost public trust, and who would trust whatever promise he makes?" he added.
Normalizing the administration is also a tall order, given that all Cabinet members offered to resign Wednesday, soon after Yoon lifted martial law.
So far, Yoon only accepted the resignation of Kim Yong-hyun, then-Defense Minister and one of the masterminds behind Yoon's martial law declaration as he was facing imminent impeachment.
"The Yoon administration's policy drive will inevitably lose momentum," said Eom Ki-hong, professor of political science at Kyungpook National University. "All Cabinet members and president's aides already offered to resign. Working-level public servants will unlikely follow (the Yoon administration's) instructions, out of fear that they might pay the price for doing so.
Even before Yoon's martial law imposition, Yoon long struggled to replace Cabinet members, including ministers, as the ruling People Power Party only has 108 lawmakers in the 300-member parliament.
Moreover, the agenda of Yoon's impeachment will dominate the National Assembly, in which six opposition parties occupy a combined 190 parliamentary seats, while the key legislative agenda, including the annual budget for next year, is placed on the back burner.
Rep. Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the Democratic Party, said Saturday morning before the impeachment vote that the party would float similar motions indefinitely starting Wednesday, should the impeachment get voted down.
His party will repeatedly "knock the door until it opens," Park said.
