Hundreds of thousands of people gathered in front of the National Assembly building in Yeouido, their eyes fixed on a large screen showing Woo Won-shik, speaker of the National Assembly. It was the moment he was about to announce the results of the impeachment vote against President Yoon Suk Yeol. When Woo finally declared that the impeachment vote had passed, the crowd burst into jubilant cheers, hugging one another, waving banners and K-pop glow sticks in celebration.
At the same time, a contrasting atmosphere unfolded among the crowd in Gwanghwamun. Protesters holding Korean and American flags believed that Yoon's impeachment would and should be rejected. However, when Woo announced the outcome of the vote, their hopes turned to sighs and anger, and some even wept in disbelief. Despite the result, the majority of the protesters pledged to continue their fight to “protect the president” and “disband the Democratic Party.”
President Yoon’s failed attempt to impose martial law not only shocked and appalled the public, but also exposed a deep-seated generational divide in Korean politics through the impeachment demonstrations. On one side stands the younger "MZ generation" (millennials and Generation Z, which together comprise those born from 1981 to 2012), who have infused K-pop culture into impeachment demonstrations. On the other side are the "Taegeukgi protesters," predominantly consisting of senior citizens.
Taegeukgi protesters, who often call themselves “patriotic conservatives,” view North Korea as an enemy of South Korea. As a result, peace-oriented policies toward North Korea, initiated mainly by the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea, are seen as compromising national security. For this reason, Taegeukgi protesters have taken to the streets to defend the "Free Republic of Korea" and call for the "eradication of Juche ideology followers," similar to their anti-impeachment demonstrations during the Park Geun-hye administration seven years ago. Considering that Taegeukgi protesters are a core constituency of the People Power Party, to which Yoon belongs, it is no surprise that their narratives align closely with Yoon's statements in his martial law declaration.
These senior Taegeukgi protesters carry the memories of the 1950-53 Korean War. They are the ones who experienced the war, grew up under anti-communist education during the military regime and witnessed the hostile rivalry between the two Koreas. Their firsthand experiences of the tragic Korean history have solidified their anti-communist sentiments and remain a source of trauma for this generation. They are susceptible to issues related to North Korea and view anyone advocating for a conciliatory approach with suspicion. This deeply rooted anti-communist stance turned into concrete support for the conservative party in the last two decades.
While the Korean War remains a poignant memory for the older generation, the younger generation carries the trauma of oppressive military regimes. Martial law has been declared several times in Korean history, allegedly to address threats to national security, and often citing North Korea as the justification. However, later investigations showed that these declarations were driven by a desire to gain more power, not real national security concerns. As "emergency martial law" was misused as a tool to gain political power, many innocent people who were against it lost their lives. President Yoon’s "new martial law" has recalled the time when young students fought through blood and sacrifice and reignited fears of dictatorship that many thought was part of the past.
The “386 generation,” who are now in their 50s and early 60s, lived in the time of the “old martial law." The younger generations in their 40s, 30s, and 20s, lacking personal experience of martial law, have developed a collective memory of these events through literature and films. It was just a month ago that Han Kang was named the first Korean Nobel laureate in literature. Han’s award brought renewed attention to the democratization movement and struggles in the past, such as the Gwangju Uprising and the April 3 incident on Jeju Island. Similarly, last year's box office hit “12.12: The Day,” which portrays events surrounding a military coup and the subsequent declaration of emergency martial law in 1979, has also contributed to shaping and sharing the collective memory of past martial law with younger generations.
The generational divide in Korean politics rooted in historical trauma has created a polarized political landscape within Korean society. Experts have cautioned that this social divide significantly threatens Korean democracy and the nation's future. Without addressing this problem, history is likely to repeat itself, as we see now the presidential impeachment process again after seven years.
The parliament’s impeachment vote passed, suspending the president’s powers. The Constitutional Court has begun trial proceedings for Yoon's impeachment. If the court upholds the impeachment, a presidential election is to be held within 60 days. While some politicians are already speculating about the next candidates, the more critical question is how to prevent this crisis from repeating.
At the Democracy Forum 2024 on Dec. 5, former US President Barack Obama mentioned South Korea’s current political situation to illustrate the difficulties of maintaining democracy. He stressed that "showing a level of forbearance toward differences" is central to democratic resilience. It is easy to view the situation in black-and-white terms, deciding who is right and wrong. The more challenging part is finding a way to embrace everyone and move beyond the collective traumas. This is not merely a matter of domestic politics, but is vital for South Korea's future.
By Jiyoung Moon
Jiyoung Moon holds a Ph.D. in international relations and is an independent researcher based in Israel. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. -- Ed.
